East Asian Institute Contemporary China

10 primary works

China's New Oil Development Strategy Taking Shape

by John Wong and Chee Kong Wong

Published 19 August 1998

A surge in demand for oil due to rapid economic growth and stagnation in domestic oil output has turned China into a net oil importer since 1993. Faced with increasing reliance on imports to meet its domestic needs, China now places a high priority on securing long-term stability of its oil supply in the next century. Hence a new oil development strategy focuses on boosting the domestic oil industry and exploiting overseas resources.In this regard, China has pursued an active “oil diplomacy” by signing international oil deals with a diverse range of nations from Central Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America, in particular a series of deals worth US$6 billion with Kazakhstan, Iraq and Venezuela in June 1997. While the overseas ventures will no doubt facilitate China's integration with the world economy, such internationalisation of China's oil industry will also carry significant geoeconomic and geopolitical implications for oil-consuming countries.

Elder Care Policies In China: The Social Value Foundation Is In The Family

by William T Liu

Published 6 January 1999

If modernisation means mass longevity, it raises hopes that everyone may enjoy a full span of years. It also brings the fear that many will not be able to take care of themselves and will rely upon society to provide special care. Modernisation in this sense also means the rise of the welfare state: let the government take care of the frail and the old.Mass aging has proven to be a financial crisis for welfare states in the advanced economies of the West; it also raises questions about the future of family-based care in the East while professionals and academicians in the advanced economies of the West continue to debate about whose responsibility it is to take care of the elders (the state or the individual?), governments in East Asia hold firmly to the position that it is the family that has the primary responsibility to take care of old members, and that the government's role is to assist families in discharging elder care responsibilities.This publication examines some of the often-raised questions identified in the research literature in the past 25 years — for example, the nature and scope of caregiving, the issue of care burden, and the claim that family-based care is really women care that is sex-biased. The author marshals evidence to show from studies conducted in China that care burden is a complex form of social relations that is shaped by the culture. Furthermore, the gender and type of relations may largely determine in what type of kin relations are the subjective feelings of burden the greatest and where objective indications of burden may remain constant. In conclusion, the author suggests that the best common resolution for both the East and the West is to establish a workable partnership between the state and the family in facing the forthcoming crisis of elder care in a fully aged society.

China's Power Sector

by John Wong

Published 1 January 1999

China's power sector has performed impressively during the past twenty years in support of economic growth. Faced with the need to expand its power capacity, China is investing heavily in the construction of new power plants and self-financing capability. While the country still depends mainly on domestic capital funds to develop its power industry, foreign capital is increasingly sought to import power equipment and advanced technology.To bring in more capital, China has made efforts to attract foreign financial involvement, mainly in the form of multilateral and bilateral loans. Equally significant in the development of China's power sector are the establishment of regional power grids and the implementation of electricity tariff reform to tackle the problems of inefficient power distribution and usage.

China's Economy In 1998: Maintaining Growth And Staving Off The Asian Contagion

by John Wong

Published 15 April 1999

As the financial crisis swept the Asia-Pacific, China seemed to be the one economy in the region which had been left “largely unaffected” for various reasons, including its strong economic and financial fundamentals as well as its strong political will to defend the Renminbi, which had so far firmly stood the ground. However, China's economy ended 1998 with only 7.8% growth, slightly falling short of its officially pledged target of 8%. Though China in 1998 was still rated as the best-performing economy in the region, its economic growth momentum had visibly slowed down. The Asian contagion had finally caught up with China.It is not certain if the Chinese economy is entering a slower growth era though, in the short run, China can boost economic growth by expanding domestic demand. Slower economic growth for the country will have significant negative effects on its economic reform programmes and social stability.

Towards More Effective Governance: China's Politics In 1998

by Yongnian Zheng and Keyuan Zou

Published 5 May 1999

With the passing of the old generation of revolutionaries, China's politics is entering a new era that belongs to the Jiang Zemin-centered third generation of leadership. Will the new leadership be able to cope with the growing pressure and demand for further economic and political reform and meet challenges within and without the regime? This essay shows the reader what strategies Jiang Zemin and Zhu Rongji have employed to build a more efficient government to rule a country that is becoming increasingly difficult to govern.

Mystery Of China's Falun Gong, The: Its Rise And Its Sociological Implications

by John Wong and William T Liu

Published 20 December 1999

The Party and state leadership in Beijing was rudely awakened to the fact that the state bureaucracies in charge of public security had no idea of Falun Gong's leadership and its functions on April 25, 1999, when reportedly ten thousand followers in front of Zhongnanhai staged a peaceful and quiet sit-in. Since then the world media has reported events and probable causes for the government to outlaw what was determined to be a religious cult that could disturb peace and stability in China.In this paper, analyses are made of the background and political implications of the sect that had one time dominated the front page of all major newspapers in the world. The authors address themselves to questions such as: What is the nature of Falun Gong? Is it a religious sect, a cult, or a quasi-religious social movement with a hidden political agenda? Is it traditional qigong of a sort that packages well-established belief systems of Buddhism and Taoism? Is it a money-making scheme that satisfies the yearning for spiritual fulfillment for the elderly, the unemployed and the retired? Or is it all of those? Will the Falun Gong phenomenon repeat itself in the future? Was the government crackdown an over-reaction or was it expected? These issues are discussed by the authors in separate sections of this paper.

Sino-us Trade Accord And China's Accession To The World Trade Organization

by Qi Luo, Yinhua Mai, and John Wong

Published 1 January 2000

The Sino-US trade accord signed in November 1999 in Beijing set a milestone for China's protracted journey towards becoming a member of the World Trade Organization (WTO). China hailed it as a win-win deal. The trade accord showed the commitment of the Chinese government to further transform China into a market economy. The liberalisation measures set forth in the accord may bring about the rise of the private enterprises and further expansion of the services markets, from banking to professional services. However, the implementation of the reform represents a challenge to the Chinese government in managing the potential surge in urban and rural unemployment and the stability of the banking sector. This paper analyses the details of the Sino-US trade accord and its implications for the Chinese economy.

China's Politics And Economy In 1999: Coping With Crises

by John Wong and Yongnian Zheng

Published 30 March 2000

What the Jiang Zemin leadership faced in 1999 can be characterized by a century-old Chinese saying, neiyou waihuan (literally, “internal disturbance and external threat”). What with the worst growth record in a decade, the Falun Gong sect's siege of Zhongnanhai, Nato's bombing of the Chinese embassy in Yugoslavia, and Lee Teng-hui's new “two-state” theory, the Chinese leadership was under tremendous pressure throughout the year. Many have wondered if that leadership could still hold its own at the turn of the century.This volume provides the reader with an in-depth analysis of how the Chinese leadership coped with the crises during the year. Though there was fair success in managing those crises, serious crises lie ahead which could significantly impact the leadership. China's economic slowdown may be bottoming out, but increasing Party decay, a growing spiritual vacuum, and volatile cross-strait relations are likely to pose serious threats to the leadership.

Waning Of The Jiang-zhu Coalition, The: China After The 2000 National People's Congress

by John Wong and Yongnian Zheng

Published 19 June 2000

With mounting discontent due to widespread unemployment, corruption and misgovernment, the Ninth National People's Congress in March 2000 was a letdown. Significant though was Premier Zhu Rongji's announcement at the Congress of the leadership's decision to go west. While Zhu explained the policy shift as the government's attempt to develop the country's inland regions, many are skeptical, dismissing it as a camouflage for the premier's failure in the reform programmes introduced when he came to power. On the international front, with the US ambivalence in regard to China's WTO accession and China's apparent loss of grip on cross-straits relations, the future of the Jiang leadership appears to be in the balance.Against this background of neiyou waihuan (internal disturbance and external threats), will the Jiang-Zhu coalition be able to rise to the occasion and push through its many reform programmes, let alone retain its hold on power? China After the 2000 National People's Congress, (I) and (II) address this and related questions, giving an in-depth analysis of recent developments and changes in the power relations among China's top leaders, especially the Jiang-Zhu coalition.

China's Politics And Economy In 2003: Meeting The Post-congress Challenges

by John Wong, Yongnian Zheng, and Liang Fook Lye

Published 15 April 2003

With the new team of Chinese leaders at the helm following the successful hosting of the 16th Party Congress in November 2002, the attention of China's scholars has now shifted to the raft of challenges that await the new leadership. In the economic realm, there is unlikely to be any sharp changes in the direction of economic policy-making although the leadership faces a number of daunting issues, such as rising urban unemployment, potential rural unrest and the huge debt burden of state banks.In the political arena, power succession has only just begun even though leadership transition is almost complete. Jiang Zemin remains highly influential in his capacity as Chairman of the Central Military Commission. It is however unclear how the working relationship among the triumvirate Hu Jintao, Zeng Qinghong and Wen Jiabao will unfold. The jury is still out whether Hu Jintao can provide the leadership and vision to deal head-on with a number of burning issues, like corruption and the need for political reform.