The opening of this volume finds Wilson still severely disabled from the effects of his massive stroke of October 2, 1919, and unable to deal with a nationwide coal strike and a crisis with Mexico. Slowly recovering, he is able to prevent Democratic senators from voting for approval of a version of the Versailles Treaty that contains reservations. He issues his Jackson Day letter of January 8, 1920, and then vacillates between compromise and intransigence on the issue of reservations. In early February, when he gains enough strength to enter the political scene in person, he dismisses Secretary Lansing, threatens to withdraw from European affairs if his demands for an Adriatic settlement are not met, and begins to marshal all his resources to insure that Democratic senators do not compromise on reservations when the Versailles Treaty comes up for a second vote in March. Hitherto unpublished personal records kept by Wilson's associates and medical records, memoranda, and recently accessible letters from the papers of Dr. Grayson shed full light on the exact nature of Wilson's illness and the degree to which it was revealed to the public.
This remarkable volume will compel major new revisions in all future accounts of the controversy over the Versailles Treaty and in biographies of Woodrow Wilson.

As this volume begins, the United States has just entered the World War and Wilson and his administration face the awesome task of mobilization. Making the undertaking more difficult is the German submarine campaign, which during these months succeeds even beyond the earlier optimistic predictions of the German Admiralty and threatens to bring Great Britain to her knees. The documents here vividly illustrate the Wilson administration's early plans for nationwide mobilization and its actions to bring it about. More important, they reveal clearly that Wilson was the commander in chief as much in military affairs as in domestic mobilization. By the time the volume ends, Wilson has pushed through a reluctant Congress a selective-service bill to raise a large National Army. American destroyers are on their way to Queenstown to participate in the war against the submarine, and Congress has approved a huge bond issue, part of which is used to rescue the Allies from bankruptcy.
A large emergency shipbuilding program is mired in controversy, and Wilson is still struggling with Congress for price control legislation, but he has established a Committee on Public Information to rally public opinion behind the war and has won passage of the Espionage act. He has done all that he can to encourage the nascent Russian democracy but is still suspicious of Allied war aims.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

At the beginning of this volume, Wilson has broken diplomatic relations with Germany and is seeking various alternatives to full-scale belligerency, among them being armed neutrality and common action by the neutrals to protect their rights at sea. Once it becomes evident that American merchant ships will not venture into the war zone without protection, Wilson adopts the policy of armed neutrality on March 9, 1917. He struggles all through the first weeks of March to avoid war, but gradually becomes convinced that armed neutrality is not a sufficient response to the all-out German submarine campaign. On March 21, 1917, Wilson decides on war. He calls Congress into special session for April 2, and on April 6, he asks Congress to recognize the existence of a state of war between the United States and the German Empire. The papers from this period contain ample evidence of Wilson's travail as events push him toward his address to Congress on April 6. The volume is crowded with new documents about the path to the war. Documents from British, French, and Swiss Foreign Ministry Archives, in particular, shed much new light on Wilson's motivations and actions.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

This volume begins at November 20, 1916, during the aftermath of President Wilson's reelection and the background of his attempts at independent mediation of the European war. It contains all the important documents relating to that effort, including all the drafts of Wilson's peace appeal to the belligerents of December 18, 1916. The torpedoing of Wilson's demarche by his confidant, Edward M. House, and by Secretary of State Robert Lansing is fully documented, as are the replies of the Central Powers and the Entente Allies. Congress is back in session in December, and the documents here cover the continuing struggle over a general leasing bill. They also chronicle Wilson's marriage to Edith Bolling Galt on December 18, 1916, and the events of Wilson's personal relationships during these months. Additional documents illustrate Wilson's secret diplomatic negotiations with British and German governments, from mid to late January 1917, looking toward the calling of a peace conference. The volume closes with Wilson's "Peace Without Victory" address of January 22, 1917, and initial reactions to that statement of American peace ideals.

This volume opens on Christmas Eve, 1920, in the waning days of the Wilson administration. Wilson and his advisers have no program other than to bring the administration to a decent end. The Cabinet meets for the last time on March 1, 1921. Emotions run high as various members recall the battles they have fought with their chief, and Wilson, tears rolling down his cheeks, dismisses them with the benediction: "Gentlemen, it is one of the handicaps of my physical condition that I cannot control myself as I've been accustomed to do. God bless you all." The end of the Wilson presidency evokes an outpouring of letters to Wilson and editorials in leading newspapers. These documents review his entire public career, from the presidency of Princeton University to the end of his presidency of the United States, and describe the Wilsonian legacy: high standards of educational and public service, courageous leadership in domestic reform, constancy of principle, and a new vision of the world united for progress, democracy, human rights, and peace.
Wilson participates in the formalities preceding Harding's inauguration, and the transition from the White House to a new home on S Street proceeds smoothly. As Wilson's health improves, he forms a law partnership with his former Secretary of State, Bainbridge Colby, and privately seeks political influence, while maintaining absolute silence on affairs of state.

The opening of this volume finds Wilson and the American people enjoying the President's triumph in the Sussex crisis, in which the Germans agree not to sink merchantmen without warning or without providing for the safety of passengers and crew. It is also a time of intense political excitement as both parties prepare for the national conventions. Wilson, assured of the renomination, writes the Democratic platform, which is committed to continued progressive reforms, neutrality, and membership in the league of nations. The Republicans nominate Associate Justice Charlens Evans Hughes, a moderate progressive. In addition to organizing the national Democratic campaign, Wilson makes arrangements for the appointment of the Mexican-American Joint High Commission to solve the security problem on the southwestern border. He also puts heavy pressure on the British government to consent to his mediation under the terms of the House-Grey Memorandum. When the British refuse to cooperate, Wilson considers the possibility of his own independent mediation.
At home, the Presidents faces one of the gravest challenges to his domestic leadership when the four railway brotherhoods call a nationwide strike of freight service after their demands for an eight-hour day without pay reduction are refused. This problem will soon be resolved when Congress adopts the Adamson Eight-Hour Railroad Act.

The beginning of this volume (Janjary 27, 1916) finds President Wilson in New York to inaugurate a speaking campaign on behalf of preparedness that carries him deep into the Middle West, where opposition to the administration's program is said to be strongest. It also finds Colonel Edward M. House, Wilson's confidant in Europe on his second peace mission. House concludes an agreement with Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, for Anglo-American cooperation in a peace plan. Meanwhile, German-American relations reach a new crisis when a submarine torpedoes an unarmed Channel packet, Sussex, on March 24, 1916. Wilson sends an ultimatum to Berlin, warning that the United States will break diplomatic relations with Germany unless she abandons her unrestricted submarine campaign against all merchant shipping. Relations with Mexico, which have been unusually friendly since Wilson's de facto recognition of the government of Venustiano Carranza in October 1915, become heated again. There is a bloody clash between American and Mexican troops at Parral on April 12, and a potentially deadly crisis in Mexican-American relations is developing as this volume ends.

Volume 68 is the last narrative volume in The Papers of Woodrow Wilson, and it concludes with Wilson's death and the ceremonies that marked it. Before that, however, the volume deals with his partial recovery from the aftermath of his stroke of October 2, 1919, and his struggle to produce "The Document," which he intended to use as the Democratic platform in an attempt to win a third presidential term in 1924. During this period Wilson took a strong interest in the success of Democrats and insurgents in wresting control of Congress from the Harding administration in the congressional election of 1922. He looked forward confidently to the presidential election two years hence, remained as convinced as ever of the desirability of American membership in the League of Nations, and received the homage of the crowds who came constantly to his home. Meanwhile, he maintained a voluminous correspondence and stayed in close touch with old colleagues. On January 16 he welcomed the members of the Democratic National Committee and a host of friends in his home.
Serious talk in the newspapers about his candidacy in 1924 encouraged him to work on his acceptance speech and a third inaugural address. On January 27 and 28, however, his health suddenly began to fail, and he continued to decline until his peaceful death on February 3, at 11:55 in the morning.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

Wilson and his administration find themselves in a "winter crisis," set off by the Fuel Administrator's limitations on use of coal by manufacturing and business concerns. Soon afterward, the administration's critics, led by Senator George E. Chamberlain, demand the creation of a super war cabinet to take control of the war effort from Wilson. Wilson defends his Secretary of War; oversees the drafting of the Overman bill; appoints Bernard M. Baruch head of the War Industries Board; and rallies Senate forces to defeat the Chamberlain bill. Meanwhile, the Austro-Hungarian Foreign Minister and American diplomats negotiate secretly for a separate peace between Austria-Hungary and the United States and the Allies. Wilson goes before a joint session of Congress on February 11 to continue his dialogue with the leaders of the Central Powers. The Germans reply, on March 3, 1918, by imposing the punitive Treaty of Brest-Litovsk on a prostrate Russia. Wilson stands firm in opposing any Japanese move into Siberia; he sends a message of friendship to the fourth All-Russia Congress of Soviets.
As the volume ends, he corresponds with Emperor Charles through the King of Spain about the possibilities of a separate peace for Austria-Hungary.

The nine weeks covered here are a transitional period in Wilson's conduct of the war and see the emergence of the War Industries Board, the so-called War Cabinet, and the National War Labor Board. Administration forces rally behind the Overman bill. Wilson quiets an outcry against the Aircraft Production Board and deals with problems such as the fixing of prices of basic commodities; requests for federal assistance from farmers and livestock growers; the transportation system, leasing of public lands to oil companies; and alleviation of the housing shortage in Washington. He also blocks a bill for the trial by special military tribunals of persons charged with disloyalty. Meanwhile, peace with Austria-Hungary is discussed, but Wilson believes that Germany is not prepared for a general settlement. In late March, the Germans begin their long-awaited spring offensive on the western front. The Allies turn to Wilson for help, and a compromise among Americans and Allies grants Pershing some control over his forces, while postponing the formation of an independent American army in France.
France and Britain want an intervention in Siberia by Japan, but Wilson is resolute in his opposition to this move.

This is the last volume of The Papers of Woodrow Wilson. It contains not only the cumulative contents and index for Volumes 53 to 68 but also a retrospective essay by the editor.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

This massive collection includes all important letters, speeches, interviews, press conferences, and public papers on Woodrow Wilson. The volumes make available as never before the materials essential to understanding Wilson's personality, his intellectual, religious, and political development, and his careers as educator, writer, orator, and statesman. The Papers not only reveal the private and public man, but also the era in which he lived, making the series additionally valuable to scholars in various fields of history between the 1870's and the 1920's.

Domestic economic and military mobilization is well underway as this volume opens. Wilson, though heavily burdened, is determined to maintain oversight and, in many cases, control over the organization of the war effort and the conduct of diplomacy. While Congress debates the Lever food and fuel control bill, he rallies his friends to defeat an amendment establishing a congressional Joint Committee on Expenditures in the Conduct of the War. During this period Wilson deals with strikes of copper miners and recurrent threats of logging strikes in the Northwest. Troubled and embarrassed by the arrest and imprisonment of National Woman's Party picketers of the White House, he pardons the prisoners and begins a quiet campaign for a federal suffrage amendment. When Postmaster General Burleson uses the Espionage Act to deny mailing privileges to The Masses, Wilson attempts to intervene, and he orders investigations in other cases of alleged civil liberties violations. At Wilson's virtual ultimatum, the British government organizes a full scale convoy system. In June the President persuades Secretary McAdoo to make emergency loans to the British.
Wilson adamantly refuses to accept Japanese claims to a "paramount" interest in China. As the volume ends, he is at work on a reply to the Pope, who has suggested his own peace plan only two weeks after the proposals of the German moderates.